EXCLUSIVE: The Poisoning of America Just Became Legal | Daily Pulse
The Supreme Court just ruled that glyphosate companies are allowed to poison our population, and nobody can ever hold them accountable for it.
And that’s not even the worst news this week.
There’s also a new bill called the “Save Our Bacon Act” — which has nothing to do with bacon. It would wipe out 1,000 state laws and hand control of our food supply to monopolies in China and Brazil.
Meanwhile, JP Morgan, Morgan Stanley, and Apollo have all frozen withdrawals from their private credit funds. Why? Because debt is how they’re funding AI, and the bubble is cracking.
The good news: every one of these fights is still winnable.
Tiffany Cianci joins us to explain how…
A farmer got cancer, sued Monsanto, and won $1.25 million. Monsanto appealed. The farmer won again. So Monsanto took it to the Supreme Court and argued it should be immune from being held responsible at all. This week, the Court agreed.
The legal hook was a federal pesticide law called FIFRA. The Court found that FIFRA supersedes states’ rights, even though, as Cianci pointed out, “there is no, no direct language in FIFRA that gives it the right to supersede states’ rights.”
Then she got to who was sitting on the bench. According to Cianci, Justice Clarence Thomas and Justice Elena Kagan have both previously worked on cases for Bayer Monsanto, and neither recused themselves. The attorney arguing for the company, Sarah Harris, was Thomas’s former clerk.
And Harris’s résumé gets stranger. Cianci described how Harris left her roughly $2 million Bayer Monsanto salary for just four months last year to work for the federal government, long enough to write the brief the United States would submit in support of the company, and then returned to the firm representing Bayer Monsanto.
“This was the most incestuous ruling I’ve seen come out of the Supreme Court in a very, very, very long time,” Cianci said. “Without those two attorneys, it would have been a different outcome.”
The practical result: no state can now tell its citizens they have the right to sue when a carcinogenic chemical ends up on their crops, in their food, or in their water.
The ruling can’t be appealed. But Congress can override it in a single sentence, and that fight starts in the next two weeks.
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Bacon is fine. The Save Our Bacon Act isn’t about bacon at all.
What SOBA actually does, Cianci explained, is strip states of the right to regulate agriculture, erasing roughly 1,000 laws across Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, and the rest of the country that set limits on chemicals in food, water, and farm runoff.
The real target is California’s Prop 12, a law written and passed by voters themselves, twice. It ended gestational confinement for pigs, the practice of pinning pregnant sows on their sides under metal bars, where they developed bedsores and had to be pumped full of antibiotics and chemical interventions.
“Chemicals out, antibiotics out, pigs can stand up,” Cianci said. Because California is the fourth-largest economy in the world, producers changed practice nationwide. Pork prices didn’t skyrocket. The law survived two Supreme Court challenges because it was the will of the people.
So who wants it gone? Cianci named the two companies she says wrote the bill: Smithfield, which is Chinese-owned and controls America’s pork supply, and JBS, the Brazilian meatpacking monopoly that dominates U.S. beef. Zeee raised long-running concerns that mRNA has been making its way into meat through JBS, warning about what it means to hand protections to international conglomerates that “you can’t regulate… like you can homegrown.”
The bill’s path forward runs through Senator Joni Ernst of Iowa, who Cianci says plans to attach SOBA as an amendment to the farm bill within two weeks. Ernst is retiring, will need a job, and the largest donors in her state are the two companies behind the bill.
Cianci’s ask is simple. Two calls, two demands. No on SOBA. And yes on Senator Cory Booker’s one-sentence amendment: “FIFRA does not supersede state laws.” That single line would codify what the Supreme Court just erased.
But calls only fix the symptom. The disease is who’s holding the pen when these bills get written.
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The SOBA amendment was co-sponsored by Senator Roger Marshall of the Ag Committee. When the text came out showing it would strip thousands of state laws, it emerged he had never read it.
“His donors wrote this bill and gave it to him, and he didn’t read it when he co-sponsored it,” Cianci said. Then constituents started calling his office. Within a week, he asked for his name to be stripped off the bill. “This works. We are in a midterm year and this works.”
That’s the pattern Cianci kept returning to: pressure works, because the money only wins when nobody’s watching. Booker’s Pesticide Injury Accountability Act, a one-paragraph bill saying Americans can sue a chemical company that injures them, has sat in the Senate for six months without a single Republican co-sponsor. Representative Luna is now introducing a companion bill in the House.
And it’s not just Congress being bought. Cianci described how the administration told RFK Jr. to go after everything but big oil, then planted agrochemical and meatpacking lobbyists in every agency he needed, “which really looks like this administration rented MAHA voters when it was convenient and abandoned them when it was time to actually put up or shut up.”
The structural fix she’s watching: laws out of Maine and Hawaii, now headed to the Supreme Court, capping corporate donations to political PACs at $5,000 a year. Citizens United never ruled on whether corporations, which are created by state law, have a right to spend at all. In the 26 referendum states, voters can put that question on a ballot themselves. “One paragraph and it ends for them right now.”
And she likes the odds. On states’ rights questions, with justices like Amy Coney Barrett and Neil Gorsuch in play, “We’re seeing a lot of interesting coalitions forming.”
So what happens when the people win anyway, when both parties actually pass one of those bills over the money’s objections? This week gave the answer.
The Road to Homeownership bill, banning private equity from buying up homes, passed both houses overwhelmingly. Left and right, together.
Trump refused to sign it.
He canceled the signing at the last second, saying Congress should pass the SAVE Act first. The homes stay on the market for the funds, not the families. And those same funds are now trapped in a much bigger problem, one where the collateral is your retirement.
JP Morgan, Morgan Stanley, and Apollo have halted withdrawals from their private credit funds. That’s not a headline about billionaires. It’s a warning about where the money to replace theirs is going to come from.
Here’s the chain Cianci laid out. There are 5,581 speculative data centers being built across America, grabbing land and the water rights underneath it, at a cost measured in trillions. Banks wouldn’t fund it all, so the buildout ran through private credit, money borrowed from JP Morgan and Morgan Stanley, on 20-year repayment schedules for chips that have to be replaced every two to three years.
“There is not a single AI company on Earth that is profitable right now because they have no profit model that makes any sense at all,” Cianci argued, claiming Anthropic loses $15,900 a month on every $100 corporate subscription.
When investors did the math, the run started. Blue Owl halted withdrawals after data center deals collapsed. Then Blackstone, the largest private equity firm in the world, halted withdrawals and liquidated $400 million to shore up its fund. Then BlackRock. Then Apollo and KKR. Now Morgan Stanley’s flagship, after runs of 17% and then 23%.
Which brings us to the three companies racing to IPO: SpaceX, OpenAI, and Anthropic. SpaceX, by Cianci’s numbers, brought in $18 billion last year, spent $23.9 billion, and IPO’d at a $2 trillion valuation anyway. As for the other two: “They both have run out of money. And I don’t mean kind of run out of money. I mean there is no money left.”
So where does the cash come from? Cianci pointed to Trump’s October executive order opening 401(k)s to private credit, private equity, and crypto. From that same order, she says, came a Department of Labor rule that would give fund managers immunity when those bets go bad, and an SEC rule, effective May 26, granting any IPO valued over $1 trillion immediate access to index funds.
Index funds are where nearly every 401(k), Roth, and pension lives. Since the dot-com crash wiped out hundreds of thousands of retirements, companies had to prove 25 years’ worth of discipline: deliver returns first, get index access second. Cianci says that protection is now gone, along with the public float requirement, meaning insiders could sell 95% of their stock at bargain prices before your fund buys at the top. Historically, IPO buyers lose 17 to 21% in the first 18 months.
She even cited Larry Fink saying the quiet part out loud, telling investors he isn’t worried about paying for the data centers because pensions and retirement accounts will do it.
And the lens gets wider still. China, Cianci noted, is running the same AI race with about 500 data centers. America is building 5,581. “The only reason you would need this is to monitor and surveil every American all day, every day.”
Her action item is concrete: email your fund manager, in writing, and remove permission to participate in any index fund that includes these new IPOs. Self-manage if you can.
Her final warning doubles as the thesis of the entire episode: “It is worse than people think. It is more important than people know.”
The insiders already know it. That’s why the withdrawal windows are frozen, why the rules got rewritten in the fine print, and why the risk has been quietly relabeled with your name on it. The one decision still in your hands is where your savings sit when the music stops.
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We want to thank Tiffany Cianci for joining us today—and more importantly, we want to thank you for watching and doing your duty to be informed when so many others choose not to.
Follow us (@ZeeeMedia and @VigilantFox) for stories that matter—stories the media doesn’t want you to see.
We’ll be back with another show on Monday. See you then.